可园英文

列入世界遗产名录的园林:沧浪亭,拙政园,留园,网师园,环秀山庄,狮子林,艺圃,耦园,退思园.未列入世界遗产名录的园林:曲园 ／怡园 ／听枫园 ／南半园 ／北半园 ／可园 ／残粒园 ／韬园 ／五峰园 ／古松园 ／灵岩山馆 ／柴园 ／植园 ／慕园 ／乐荫园 ／鹤园 ／塔影园 ／笑园 ／朴园 ／万氏庭园 ／蕙荫园 ／顾氏花园 ／启园（席家花园） ／紫兰小筑（默园） ／翕圃（张家花园） ／向庐 据《苏州府志》统计，苏州在周代有园林6处，汉代4处，南北朝14处，唐代7处，宋代118处，元代48处，明代271处，清代130处。现存的苏州园林大部分是明清时期的建筑，包括大大小小几百座古典园林。明清时期，苏州成为中国最繁华的地区之一，私家园林遍布古城内外。在16～18世纪的全盛时期，苏州有园林200余处，现在保存尚好的有数十处(现存没有100多个)

Dongguan City, Guangdong Province is located in south-central east coast of the Pearl River estuary, 50 kilometers south of Guangzhou, south 90 kilometers from Shenzhen, sea 47 sea miles to Hong Kong, 48 sea miles to Macau, Guangzhou and Hong Kong is between the land and waterborne transport must pass through. The city's land area of 2465 square kilometers. Evacuated in September 1985 the county established as a city, in January 1988, Dongguan not upgraded to county-level cities, 32 are under the jurisdiction of the township, 594 villages, there are the resident population of 1,508,200, more than 500 million non-native population. In addition, Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan compatriots more than 70 million people, more than 20 million overseas Chinese people, is a famous hometown of overseas Chinese. Dongguan, mild climate and abundant wealth, the annual average temperature of 23.3 degrees Celsius, with an average annual rainfall 1614.5 millimeters. Tilt the terrain from east to west, most of mesa hills and alluvial plains, mountains with sea coastline of 115.94 kilometers. Dongguan for Lingnan ancient town, there are relics can test history dates back 5,000 years. More than 150 years ago, the opening of China's modern history took place in Dongguan humenxiaoyan. Anti-Japanese War, this is the people's anti-Japanese base areas Dongjiang, Dongguan million children for national independence, national prosperity and strength and heroic fighting, bloody died. A long history of culture and a glorious revolutionary tradition, so that Guangdong Dongguan become a historical and cultural city. Dongguan, a lot of historical sites, tourism is rich in resources, is a famous tourist destination. There is a well-known Chinese and foreign cigarette sales pool, Shajiao Fort Weiyuan Fort ancient battlefield sites, such as the Opium War; a patriotism education base - the Opium War Museum and the naval museum; there Dongguan Museum, Museum of the Opium War Opium War artifacts and even since the New Stone Age relics unearthed; there are village sites and Sally Lake, Jin Ao Chau tower; Guangdong, one of the four famous round can be won, and the Pearl River estuary coastal beauty, rice Hai Lam, Lai Hung Hexiang charming scenery and so on. Since reform and opening up, Dongguan the implementation of economic internationalization strategy, vigorously to attract foreign investment, the development of export-oriented economy. The last two decades, Dongguan's economy is 20 percent average annual growth rate of vigorous development of China's fastest-growing economy in the world. In 2000, the city's gross domestic product of about 48.8 billion yuan, export value reached 17.159 billion U.S. dollars, the actual utilization of foreign capital (excluding external borrowing) 1.647 billion U.S. dollars. In recent years, Dongguan continuously optimizing the industrial structure, and in 2000 the ratio of the three major industrial 6.37:55.36:38.27. Investment structure was further focused on infrastructure construction, environmental protection, construction and hi-tech projects in construction, computer and information products to the high-tech industry has become a pillar industry in Dongguan City. The last two decades, Dongguan first established infrastructure development strategy. The city has been built, including road, rail, river, sea and other modes of transport traffic network and modern telecommunications, electric power network. To the end of 2000, the city's highway density of 102.17 kilometers / 100 square kilometers, telephone penetration rate of 108 / 100 people. In the rapid development of material civilization, while the building of spiritual civilization Dongguan have also made remarkable progress. The city has universal secondary education system, libraries, museums, cinemas, television and radio stations and other cultural facilities improvement, medical and health care network increasingly sound, mass sports activities to flourish, people's material and cultural lives have been constantly improved, good wind-US customs further carry forward. 东莞市位于广东省中南部，珠江口东岸，北距广州50公里，南离深圳90公里，水路至香港47海里，至澳门48海里，是广州与香港之间水陆交通的必经之地。全市陆地面积2465平方公里。1985年9月撤县设市，1988年1月，东莞升格为不设县的地级市，现下辖32个镇区、594个村，有常住人口 150.82万，外来人口500多万。此外，还有港澳台同胞70多万人，海外侨胞20多万人，是著名的侨乡。 东莞气候温和，物产丰富，年平均气温23.3摄氏度，年均降水量1614.5毫米。地势自东往西倾斜，大部分为丘陵台地和冲积平原，依山傍海，海岸线115.94公里。 东莞为岭南古邑，有文物可考的历史可追朔5000余年。150多年前，中国近代史开篇的虎门销烟就发生在东莞。抗日战争时期，这里是东江人民抗日根据地，万千东莞儿女为民族独立、国家富强而英勇战斗，浴血捐躯。悠久的历史文化和光荣的革命传统，使东莞成为南粤历史文化名城。 东莞名胜古迹甚多，旅游资源丰富，是著名的旅游胜地。这里有中外闻名的销烟池、沙角炮台、威远炮台等鸦片战争古战场遗址；有爱国主义教育基地――鸦片战争博物馆和海战博物馆；有东莞博物馆、鸦片战争博物馆珍藏的鸦片战争文物乃至新石器时代以来的出土文物；有村头遗址和仙鹅湖、金鳌洲塔；有广东四大名圆之一的可圆，以及珠江口滨海秀色、稻海蕉林、荔红荷香等迷人风景。 改革开放以来，东莞实施经济国际化战略，大力吸引外资，发展外向型经济。二十年来，东莞的经济以平均每年20%的增长率蓬勃发展，成为中国经济发展最快的地区之一。2000年，全市国内生产总值约488.00亿元，出口总值达171.59亿美元，实际利用外资(不含对外借款)16.47亿美元。近年来，东莞不断优化产业结构化，2000年三大产业结构比例为 6.37:55.36:38.27。投资结构进一步侧重于基础设施建设、环保建设与高科技项目建设，以电脑资讯产品为主的高新科技产业已成为东莞市的支柱产业。 二十年来，东莞确立了基础设施先行的发展战略。全市已建成了包括公路、铁路、内河、海上等多种运输方式的交通网络和现代通信、电力网络。至2000年底，全市公路密度达102.17公里/百平方公里，电话普及率达108部/百人。在物质文明建设迅速发展的同时，东莞的精神文明建设也取得了长足的进步。全市已普及高中教育体系，图书馆、博物馆、电影院、电视台、广播电台等文化设施日臻完善，医疗卫生保健网络日益健全，群众性体育活动蓬勃发展，人民物质文化生活水平不断提高，良风美俗进一步弘扬。

KeYuan Wang

“Coffee House Cotillion: The Construction of Private Space in a Public Place”1993Coffee houses have a standing pattern of behavior characterized by the existence of private space. Patrons negotiate the construction of private space through involvement in one or both of two processes. The “process of not bothering” and the “process of engagement” prevent routine, everyday encounters at the coffee house from becoming too intimate; interactions remain at a “stranger” level.The process of not bothering is characterized by individual actors, Singles, who are by themselves at the coffee house. The process of engagement involves multiple actors, Withs , who are together at the coffee house. Patrons involved in one or both of these processes are signaling to others a desire to be alone.No interactional order, however, is immune to interference by way of “inappropriate” behaviors. I examine four incidents where the processes of not bothering and engagement, and the private space they maintain, are disrupted in the coffee house: intentional and momentary, intentional and prolonged, coincidental, and accidental. In the event of disruption patrons are faced with the perception that “something unusual is happening (Emerson 1970) and must act to bring the situation back to normal.Community and Public LifeSociologists have long discusses the impact of industrialization and urbanization upon peoples’ ability to construct a sense of belonging and shared identity with others in their lives; individual anomie 社会失范and alienation have taken the place of organic community (Hewitt 1991) and mechanical solidarity. There seems to be agreement that a defining characteristic of modern urban life is the lack of, and corresponding search for, community.Coffee houses fill a niche in modern urban society as a public place where people are “uniquely accessible, available, and subject to one another” (Goffman 1963, p. 22). Regular attendance and the construction of private space in a coffee house establishes a community of strangers where only the more general characteristics of other regulars’ identities are known (Simmel 1971).Modern day coffee houses are similar to what Ray Oldenburg, in The Great Good Place (1989), describes as “third places” where regulars gather for the purpose of informal interaction. Yet the fact that interactions remain at a “stranger” level makes coffee houses importantly and informatively distinct from third places in the formation of community.Third PlacesOldenburg argues that the core of people’s activity occurs in two “places.” The “first place” is the home; people’s private family life occurs here. The “second place” is work; this place “reduces the individual to a single, productive role” (p. 16).Modern U.S. society, writes Oldenburg, lacks places where people can simply “hang-out.” In fact, to hang-out with nothing in particular to do is looked upon negatively; those who are not at home or work are seen as up to no good. What U.S. society lacks, argues Oldenburg, is an acceptable intersection between first and second place where informal public interaction can occur – U.S. society lacks “third places.”Historically, third places are the pubs and coffee houses of European cities where individuals go and “on any given visit some of the gang will be there” (p. 32). Talk is plentiful and good here, and takes place on neutral ground where people “do not get uncomfortably tangled in one another’s lives.” (p. 22). Furthermore, third places are “levelers” open to all and emphasize “qualities not confined to status distinctions current in the society” (p. 24).Third places provide a place to interact outside the boundaries of first and second places that foster a sense of community among members. Informal participation in third places gives regulars an opportunity to be public; an opportunity that connects the lives of members with each other. In confining activities to home, a completely private place, and work, a completely and explicitly productive place, people lose their sense of belonging to a community – this is the case, argues Oldenburg, in modern urban society.Coffee Houses as Public PlacesThe type of coffee houses I’m describing are like third places in that membership simply requires routine attendance. Coffee houses differ from third places, however, because patrons do not go expecting to meet with other regulars for purposes of informal conversation. Instead, patrons go to the coffee house and construct private spaces in the midst of strangers who have constructed private spaces of their own. Coffee houses are public places for private activities.The interior of a typical coffee house is made up of numerous small tables occupied by individuals, couples, or groups of nor more than three or four people. There is very little conversation between tables, and the general rule is for conversations among groups to be kept at a level which does not bother other costumers.Many activies occurring at the coffee house have the quality of “time killing.” Killed time is inconsequential time that does not impinge upon the more “serious” aspects of one’s life (Goffman, 1963; Cavan 1966). Reading, game playing, and idle conversation within one’s own private space are common time killing activities in the coffee house. Though inconsequential, these activities do not resemble the informal interactions of third places. Time killing activities pursued by coffee house patrons are kept within the boundaries of constructed private space and do not unnecessarily involve other patrons.The coffee house is furnished with a multitude of “tools” that offer something to do for individuals with time to kill. The most common tools are reading materials such as magazines, newspapers, and used books. These items are strewn throughout the coffee house and are readily accessible to all patrons. It is also common for patrons to bring along their own books and magazines as time killing tools.Coffee houses also provide games such as chess and backgammon as time killing tools. Third place games, according to Oldenburg, are games which “move along in lively fashion” (p. 30) and allow for vociferous involvement among players and spectators – Oldenburg gives Gin Rummy and the French game Boules as examples of third place games. The overwhelming favorite game of coffee house patrons is Chess; it isn’t uncommon to see two or three chess matches going on at one time in the coffee house. Chess is not a game like Gin Rummy where lively conversation is the rule. Instead, chess involves intense concentration among players and spectators alike; interactional privacy is afforded chess players so they can make the best possible moves.Though most coffee house activity involves killing time, there are patrons involved in more “serious” activities. I observed people at the coffee house involve in such consequential activities as writing books, writing wills, paying bills, tutoring college students, and collecting data for research projects. As with time killing activities, however, the consequences of these more serious activities is interactional isolation, not third place conversation.Like third places, patronage at the coffee hose is regular and one often recognizes other regulars. But regulars here rarely do more than make eye contact and nod to one another. Regularity of patronage at the coffee house does not lead to lasting third place interactions. One the contrary, as my paper makes clear, the overwhelming interactional activity taking place at the coffee house revolves around how not to become friendly with other regulars.