201考研英语作文

2开头的是外语课开始具体就是201英语202俄语203日语，201英语是非英语专业考生的英语全国统考 数学分四种，根据工学、经济学、管理学各学科对硕士研究生入学所

模板一：图画作文来源：考试大 This illustration depicts_________ (图画中的人物)Ving, with______________（补充说明）. Recently it has become common for people in many walks of life to_____________(进一步阐释) It seems to me that the cartoonist is sending a message about _______(图画主题), which is ______________(进一步的说明). He seems to be saying that_______________(给出细节). In my opinion, ___________(个人阐述). This simple picture is a wake up call for ______(所涉群体，如the whole of the human race). Therefore, it is imperative for us to take drastic measures to put an end to _____________(问题所在). One the one hand, we must _________________(建议一). It is clear that the drawer of the illustration is urging us to _________(进一步说明). On the other hand, ________________（建议二） Only in this way can we___________(展望前景). 模板二：图表作文来源：考试大 The chart gives us an overall picture of the ____________(图表主题). The first thing we notice is that_______________(图表最大特点). This means that as __________, _________________(进一步说明). We can see from the statistics given that _______________(图表细节一). After ving_________(细节一中的第一个变化), the _____Ved+幅度+时间（紧跟着的变化）. The figures also tells us that_________________________(图表细节二). (数据位置，如In the second column), we can see that ____________accounts for _______(进一步描述). Judging from these figures, we can draw the conclusion that___________(结论). The reason for this, as far as I am concerned is that_____________(给出原因). / It is high time that we Ved(发出倡议) 模板三：利弊型作文 Recently the issue of whether or not______(讨论话题) has been in the limelight and has aroused wide concern in the public. There are two major arguments that can be made for_________. For one thing, __________can bring ____ to_____________(优点一). For another, it is widely hold that people usually ____when ________________________________(优点二). But we must not lose sight of the fact that there are also drawbacks to__________, among which are ____________(列举缺点). For instance, it can be __________to _____________(举例说明). In addition, many people find it ________(形容词)to _______________（第二个缺点） When asked to __________, I tend to ____________. This is because I _______________(原因一). Furthermore, _______________________(原因二). Finally, ______________(原因三). 模板四：展望未来型 With the rapid advances of _____________ in recent years, ___has____________(引出现象). However, _______ has________________, as____________(提出问题). As a result, _____has ____________________(指出影响). The effects ___________ has produced on____________ can be boiled down to two major ones. First , __________________(影响一). More importantly, ________________(影响二). Hence, I believe that we will see a ____________(提出展望)/ Nevertheless, I do not think we will see a ______(或反面展望) There are numerous reasons why ____, and I would like to explore a few of the most important ones here. The first is that the more(比较级)_____, the more (比较级). In addition, we all agree that________________________(第二个原因)

一、英语一和英语二硕士研究生教育按照培养目标的不同，分为学术型研究生和专业学位研究生。学术型研究生的培养目标是高层次学术研究型专门人才，专业学位研究生的培养目标是具有扎实理论基础，并适应特定行业或职业实际工作需要的应用型高层次专门人才。从2010年开始，全国硕士研究生入学考试的英语试卷分为了英语一和英语二。英语一，即原来的统考“英语”；英语二主要是为高等院校和科研院所招收专业学位硕士研究生而设置的具有选拔性质的统考科目。二、英语一和英语二的编号考生需根据自己报考的是学术型研究生还是专业学位研究生来确定自己考英语一还是英语二。其中英语一的编号为201，英语的编号为204，政治编号为101。三、英语一和英语二的试卷结构的异同考研英语二题型总体与英语一非常相近，考试时间180分钟，满分100分。试卷第一部分是英语知识运用，即我们常说的完型填空，总共10分，20题，每题0.5分。第二部分是阅读理解，这部分英语二和英语一考试方式略有不同。英语二阅读理解分两个部分，第一部分是常见的4选1选择题，共4篇文章，每篇5道题，共40分。英语二阅读理解第二部分是新题型，对应的是英语一的新题型部分，5道题共10分。整体而言，从单词量上我们可以看出，虽然英语二大纲要求的阅读理解单词量与英语一相同，但在大纲中英语二阅读理解没有说明有超纲单词，而英语一明确说将有百分之三的超纲单词。英语二阅读理解的单词量起码不会超过英语一。考研英语二样题比过去历年考研英语真题难度要低。第三部分是翻译，主要是英译汉。首先，虽然翻译总量同英语一相同，但考研英语一是从400单词段落中抽出5个长难句；英语二在难度降低的同时，翻译题所占分值却提高了。最后就是写作。分别是小作文和大作文，小作文要求一样，一种是书信，如感谢信、求职信等。在英语一和英语二大纲都出现的一种形式是英文摘要，主要考查词汇量及拼写的问题，而对于语法问题要求不高。小作文也是大家准备考研英语二的重点，要求100字左右。大作文的样题是图表作文，字数要求低，为150字以上。英语一要求是160-200单词，要求比英语二高，分值也低，为15分。

023年考研英语百度网盘下载

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简介：2023年考研英语复习资料、考研英语复习规划、考研英语大纲，考研英语真题等合集

为了在不久的将来，成为一名会英语的研究生，我们从现在就开始看英语作文积累词汇。下面是我给大家整理的研究生英语作文范文，供大家参阅!

Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it with all the primates and almost all the other mammals and birds: it may extend back as far as the reptiles.

There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless, depend on the life-style of the animal, and that predators are statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are in turn much more likely to experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to external stimuli.

Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we have all witnessed cats or dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a product of natural selection, and it makes sense that today, when sleep is highly evolved, the stupid animals are less frequently immobilized by deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all? Why should a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved? Perhaps one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the fact that dolphins and whales and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean. Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's vulnerability, the function of sleep is to decrease it? Wilse Webb of the University of Florida and Ray Meddis of London University have suggested this to be the case. It is conceivable that animals who are too stupid to be quiet on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk, immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly clear for the young of predatory animals. This is an interesting notion and probably at least partly true.

全文翻译：

睡眠的进化

睡眠是古老的。 从脑电图上看，我们人类和所有灵长目动物以及几乎所有的哺乳动物 和鸟类都一样需要睡眠;甚至爬行类动物也有睡眠。 有证据显示，有梦睡眠和无梦睡眠这两种类型的睡眠取决于该动物的生活方式。 从统计上看，食肉动物比被捕食动物有更多的 有梦睡眠，而被捕食动物更多地无梦睡眠。

动物在有梦睡眠时，被有效地解除动作能力， 并且对外界刺激缺乏反应。 无梦睡眠则要浅得多。 我们都看到过猫和狗在显然的酣睡中， 有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。 被捕食动物很少有深度的有梦睡眠，这看来显然是自然选择 的结果。

而且这一点是有道理的：当睡眠高度进化以后，愚笨的动物比聪明的动物更少在 深度睡眠状态下丧失动作能力。

但是动物为什么要进入深度睡眠呢?为什么这样的无动作状 态也会进化出来呢? 海豚、鲸鱼以及水生哺乳动物睡眠都极少，这一事实可以给睡眠的根本 功能提供有用的线索。 海洋中是没有藏身之处的。 会不会是这样，睡眠不但不增加动物受 伤害的可能性，反而是减少了这种可能性呢?佛罗里达大学的 Wilse Webb 和伦敦大学的 Ray Meddis 认为情况就是如此。 可以想像得出，在危险的时刻，那些由于太愚笨而不能自动保 持安静的动物，会不由自主地变得动弹不得。 这一点在食肉动物的幼兽身上表现得特别明 显。 这是一个很有意思的看法，它至少部分是正确的。

The ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions so complex that it is always hazardous to attempt to represent events covering a number of years, a multiplicity of persons, and distant localities as the expression of one intellectual or social movement; yet the historical process which culminated in the ascent of Thomas Jefferson to the presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of the birth of a new way of life but of nationalism as a new way of life. The American Revolution represents the link between the seventeenth century, in which modern England became conscious of itself, and the awakening of modern Europe at the end of the eighteenth century. It may seem strange that the march of history should have had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but only in the North American colonies could a struggle for civic liberty lead also to the foundation of a new nation.

Here, in the popular rising against a "tyrannical" government, the fruits were more than the securing of a freer constitution. They included the growth of a nation born in liberty by the will of the people, not from the roots of common descent, a geographic entity, or the ambitions of king or dynasty. With the American nation, for the first time, a nation was born,

not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.

全文翻译：美国革命的历史意义

历史的进程是如此错综复杂，人类行为的动机是如此令人费解，以至于想把那些时间跨度大，涉及人数多，空间范围广的事件描述成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现的企图是危 险的。 然而以托马斯·杰弗逊登上总统宝座为高潮的那一段历史过程可以被视为一个特殊 的例子。

在这段历史时期里不仅诞生了新的生活方式，而且民族主义成为了一种新的生活 方式。 美国独立战争成为联结 17 世纪现代英格兰的自我意识和 18 世纪末现代欧洲的觉醒 的纽带。 历史的行程需要跨越大西洋，这看起来似乎有些奇怪，但却只有在北美殖民地为 民权和自由的斗争才能导致新国家的建立。

这里，反对"暴政"的民众起义的成果不仅是获 得一个包含更多自由的宪法，还包括了一个依照人民的意愿诞生在自由中的国家的成长。这 个国家不是基于血缘、地理、君主或王朝的野心。 由于有了美国，第一次一个国家的诞生不是发生在历史模糊的过去，而是在全世界人们的眼前。

People appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children develop so early and so inexorably that it is easy to imagine an internal clock of mathematical maturity guiding their growth. Not long after learning to walk and talk, they can set the table with impressive accuracy-- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five chairs. Soon they are capable of noting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks on the table and, a bit later, that this amounts to fifteen pieces of silverware. Having thus mastered addition, they move on to subtraction. It seems almost reasonable to expect that if a child were secluded on a desert island at birth and retrieved seven years later, he or she could enter a second-grade mathematics class without any serious problems of intellectual adjustment.

Of course, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive psychologists has illuminated the subtle forms of daily learning on which intellectual progress depends. Children were observed as they slowly grasped -- or, as the case might be, bumped into -- concepts that adults take for granted, as they refused, for instance, to concede that quantity is unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tall thin one.

Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to count the pencils in a pile, readily report the number of blue or red pencils, but must be coaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that the rudiments of mathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They have also suggested that the very concept of abstract numbers - the idea of a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that applies to any class of objects and is a prerequisite for doing anything more mathematically demanding than setting a table - is itself far from innate.

全文翻译：儿童的数学能力

人似乎生来就会计算。 孩子们使用数字的技能发展得如此之早和如此必然，很容易让 人想象有一个内在的精确而成熟的数字钟在指导他们的成长。

孩子们在学会走路和说话后 不久，就能以令人惊叹的准确布置桌子--五把椅子前面分别摆上一把刀、一个汤匙、一把叉子。 很快地，他们就能知道他们已在桌面上摆放了五把刀、五个汤匙、五把叉子。 没有多 久，他们就又能知道这些东西加起来总共是 15 把银餐具。

如此这般地掌握了加法之后，他 们又转向减法。 有一种设想几乎顺理成章，那就是，即使一个孩子一出生就被隔绝到荒岛上，七年后返回世间，也能直接上小学二年级的数学课，而不会碰到任何智力调整方面的大 麻烦。当然，事实并没有这么简单。

本世纪认知心理学家的工作已经揭示了智力发展所依 赖的日常学习的微妙形式。 他们观察到孩子们缓慢掌握那些成年人认为理所当然的概念的 过程，或者是孩子们偶然遇到这些概念的过程。 他们也观察到孩子们拒绝承认某些常识的 情况。 比如： 孩子们拒绝承认当水从短而粗的瓶中倒入细而长的瓶子中时，水的数量没有 变化。 心理学家们而后又展示一个例子， 即：让孩子们数一堆铅笔时，他们能顺利地报出 蓝铅笔或红铅笔的数目，但却需诱导才能报出总的数目。 此类研究表明：数学基础是经过 逐渐努力后掌握的。

他们还表示抽象的数字概念，如可表示任何一类物品并且是在做比摆 桌子有更高数学要求的任何事时都必备的一、二、三意识，远远不是天生就具备的。